A Measure of Self-defense
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 Scene 2: Vice President Mike Pence met with President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić. The leaders (Pence is the Vice-Leader) agreed on the importance of the bilateral relationship and expressed the desire to deepen the partnership between the United States and Serbia. The Vice President expressed U.S. support for Serbia's efforts to join the European Union, the need for continued reforms, and further progress in normalizing the relationship with Kosovo. Scene 3: President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić came back to Serbia. Scene 4: Out of the blue President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić calls for the "internal dialogue" on "Kosovo". Dialogue scene staging: President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić won't participate in the discussion. He won't come out with his proposal how to solve "Kosovo issue", though he has one, already. President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić shall eulogize those whose discussion is in accordance to his unspoken position, and condemn all those whose discussion is not in accordance to his unspoken position on "Kosovo". President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić calls that "democratic discussion where everybody has a chance to say his/her opinion freely, and he shall do whatever we the people decide" Playwright Dušan Kovačević reacted as an intellectual to support President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić's unspoken position, nobody knows what is. In short, he said that Serbia has no kids for the new war!? President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić's highly valued Playwright Dušan Kovačević's contribution to the "internal discussion" that hasn't even started yet, in the media. Slobodan Samardzic, Professor of Political Science, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Belgrade and the president of the Statehood Movement of Serbia, Minister for Kosovo and Metohija from 2007 to 2008, came out with his opinion, as well, criticizing in the same time the way President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić conduct his policy toward Kosovo and Metohija, and reckless Playwright Dušan Kovačević's statement. University professor and scholar Slobodan Samardžić was savagely attacked by pro-President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić's media, because it is obvious that his position is not in a chord with President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić's unspoken solution for the "Kosova" issue. The "internal dialogue on Kosovo" continues, though, nobody opened it formally, and the mode of this "discussion" is completely unknown. |
Reading an interview by the playwright Dusan Kovacevic, somebody could think that some powerful and underground Serbia is preparing for the war. It is as if the authorities lost all control strings, and in empty space, especially in the defense policy, filled in numerous and well-organized putschists who are ready, not only to conduct a coup d'état and seize the power, but also to take the country into a new war, surpassingly for the liberation of Kosovo and Metohija, are falling into empty space. Because, the message and panic scream of this interview is - to avoid war at all costs.
In contrast to this quasi-dramatic fiction, today in Serbia, we have a regime that is firm as it was in the 1990’s, who controls with the iron fist all the areas of public life, with the significant difference that it is mostly supported, encouraged and praised by Western factors. Similar to the 1990’s, we have a multi-party system with a hegemonic party, which has absolute power in the state and does not have the obligation to hold to the Constitution and laws as a drunk to the fence. The secret of the success and acceptability of this policy in the Western political world is its readiness to "solve" the issue of Kosovo and Metohija, very simply and efficiently - by renouncing it.
Since by an active policy of surrender the Serbian Autonomous Province to the Albanians, the current regime has brought the business to the very end, its leader opens a public discussion on the issue of Kosmet (abbreviation for Kosovo and Metohija). Firstly, the common-sense issue is: why now, and not at the beginning of his activity, in 2012, when Serbia still had some influence in the Serbian parts of the Province and when the opponents of Kosovo's surrendering had some chance in this public. Since then, the regime has pulled a large number of moves in favor of Albanian independence, and calls for the public discussion, when sign and formalize the transfer was the only move that left. The reason for this initiative is nothing more than covering its historical responsibility by the simulated opinion of the "smart Serbia" on the justification of the part of the state territory amputation.
Kovačević's tailwind for Vučić is not unusual in today's political and cultural area of Serbia. The mentality of the opposition mimicry dominates in them and it falls down whenever the idol of the European Union has to be worshiped before the Western “hard workers for common good” in the Balkans. When a coalition from the nineties retook the government in 2012, but under another political flag, many promoters of "European Serbia" realized that it was exactly the political set that would be prepared to complete the task, ordered by the Western politics, to the very end, purely expressed in Ten-point program given by A. Merkel on August, 2010. And that they will do it better and more efficiently than the previous favorites, Tadic and the Democrats. These fashionmonger and mercenary pro-Western political parties and civilian propelling force was in love with the European Union, however all they have gotten was Vučić. But, there is no need to ask questions when situation intensifies.
In his interview, Dusan Kovacevic, giving the support to Vučić's initiative, only reiterated the credo of this ideological construct that has been seen, already. That is, just dialogue with the solution of the Kosovo issue, and that dialogue follows the trail of Vucic's "principle of pragmatic compromise", and the platform according to which "nobody should be a great winner" (probably not great Albania, either). Accordingly, "the avoidance of war should be a red line in the dialogue". All phrase by phrase that have been known, already. And then, the cannonade against the supporters of the war, those who are preparing the coup in the quasi-drama of the screenwriter.
This simplifying of the problem is strikingly unintelligent. But it couldn’t have been smarter since the author gave himself an assignment to create an ordinary political prank. For this purpose, he uses the Manichean proposition of war and peace as a priori evil and good, followed by his arbitrary differentiation of the eventual participants in the public debate - the evil warmongers and good pacifists. Since in the last century Serbia had been led by the first ones (six wars), this century should belong to the second ones. Where would we be by now if Vucic lived in the time of the Balkan Wars and have lived through the whole century that followed? In the next age we could even survive without him. And so on, both in the past and in the future. One history projection based on the picture of "reality" that real genuine realistic pragmatics bring to us.
From the empirical point of view, since 2000 Serbia has not been in any war situation. The border’s problem that are, as Kovacevic states, numerous, she ought and is capable to solving peacefully. But there is nothing more meaningless than what one drama writer offers - to acquaint everyone, both the wicked and the less wicked, in advance "that the avoidance of war is a red line in dialogue." Both the opponent and the enemy will necessarily understand this as a defeat of Serbia, taken into account, in advance i.e. as a policy - here, take everything that you consider to be your own.
This is not a compromise (at least "pragmatic"), but a "solution" (very pragmatic). The same thing that Martti Ahtisaari pronounced at the one of the sessions of the negotiations with the Albanians in early 2007: “I am not interested in compromise but a solution”. And it is not a fundamental problem that the poorly programmed "mediator" in the negotiations manifested its arrogance and diplomatic violence. The problem is that in the meantime, beginning in September 2010, our political class and its privileged cultural elites have begun to internalize this colonial attitude to the latest signs that the Kosovo issue should be "solved" as soon as possible. [Originally posted on August 2, 2017]
Since by an active policy of surrender the Serbian Autonomous Province to the Albanians, the current regime has brought the business to the very end, its leader opens a public discussion on the issue of Kosmet (abbreviation for Kosovo and Metohija). Firstly, the common-sense issue is: why now, and not at the beginning of his activity, in 2012, when Serbia still had some influence in the Serbian parts of the Province and when the opponents of Kosovo's surrendering had some chance in this public. Since then, the regime has pulled a large number of moves in favor of Albanian independence, and calls for the public discussion, when sign and formalize the transfer was the only move that left. The reason for this initiative is nothing more than covering its historical responsibility by the simulated opinion of the "smart Serbia" on the justification of the part of the state territory amputation.
Kovačević's tailwind for Vučić is not unusual in today's political and cultural area of Serbia. The mentality of the opposition mimicry dominates in them and it falls down whenever the idol of the European Union has to be worshiped before the Western “hard workers for common good” in the Balkans. When a coalition from the nineties retook the government in 2012, but under another political flag, many promoters of "European Serbia" realized that it was exactly the political set that would be prepared to complete the task, ordered by the Western politics, to the very end, purely expressed in Ten-point program given by A. Merkel on August, 2010. And that they will do it better and more efficiently than the previous favorites, Tadic and the Democrats. These fashionmonger and mercenary pro-Western political parties and civilian propelling force was in love with the European Union, however all they have gotten was Vučić. But, there is no need to ask questions when situation intensifies.
In his interview, Dusan Kovacevic, giving the support to Vučić's initiative, only reiterated the credo of this ideological construct that has been seen, already. That is, just dialogue with the solution of the Kosovo issue, and that dialogue follows the trail of Vucic's "principle of pragmatic compromise", and the platform according to which "nobody should be a great winner" (probably not great Albania, either). Accordingly, "the avoidance of war should be a red line in the dialogue". All phrase by phrase that have been known, already. And then, the cannonade against the supporters of the war, those who are preparing the coup in the quasi-drama of the screenwriter.
This simplifying of the problem is strikingly unintelligent. But it couldn’t have been smarter since the author gave himself an assignment to create an ordinary political prank. For this purpose, he uses the Manichean proposition of war and peace as a priori evil and good, followed by his arbitrary differentiation of the eventual participants in the public debate - the evil warmongers and good pacifists. Since in the last century Serbia had been led by the first ones (six wars), this century should belong to the second ones. Where would we be by now if Vucic lived in the time of the Balkan Wars and have lived through the whole century that followed? In the next age we could even survive without him. And so on, both in the past and in the future. One history projection based on the picture of "reality" that real genuine realistic pragmatics bring to us.
From the empirical point of view, since 2000 Serbia has not been in any war situation. The border’s problem that are, as Kovacevic states, numerous, she ought and is capable to solving peacefully. But there is nothing more meaningless than what one drama writer offers - to acquaint everyone, both the wicked and the less wicked, in advance "that the avoidance of war is a red line in dialogue." Both the opponent and the enemy will necessarily understand this as a defeat of Serbia, taken into account, in advance i.e. as a policy - here, take everything that you consider to be your own.
This is not a compromise (at least "pragmatic"), but a "solution" (very pragmatic). The same thing that Martti Ahtisaari pronounced at the one of the sessions of the negotiations with the Albanians in early 2007: “I am not interested in compromise but a solution”. And it is not a fundamental problem that the poorly programmed "mediator" in the negotiations manifested its arrogance and diplomatic violence. The problem is that in the meantime, beginning in September 2010, our political class and its privileged cultural elites have begun to internalize this colonial attitude to the latest signs that the Kosovo issue should be "solved" as soon as possible. [Originally posted on August 2, 2017]
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